The Yemeni National Dialogue: Setting a Standard for Other Arab Countries?

In 2011, Yemeni men, women, youth and children demonstrated and protested against the government of Ali Abdallah Saleh, insisting on his resignation and the dissolution of his government. The country was at the brink of civil war when the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) agreement (2011) was proposed, stipulating that the president resign, a transitional government be formed, and a national conference be held with the parties who are signatories to the GCC initiative, and a new constitution to be written and followed by national referendum and elections.

The Yemeni National Dialogue Conference (NDC) ended officially after ten months of deliberations among 565 delegates, and under the auspices of the United Nations and its Special Advisor to the Secretary General Jamal Ben Omar.  On January 21, 2014, the conference closed with an outcome document containing close to 1,400 recommendations and principles intended to shape the future State of Yemen.  Yemenis are proud of this achievement.  President Hadi described it best in his remarks at the closing plenary: “It is 100 percent Yemeni and not the product of any foreign interference” (source: www.ndc.ye). With a ninety percent rule for agreement, the delegates reached consensus on all principles and recommendations listed in the document, including Yemen becoming a multi-region federal system.

The NDC was the first experiment in the Arab world of its kind. It set out to provide a process to help Yemenis reflect on the past, discuss the present, and chart a road map for Yemen’s future. With the full support of the international community and in accordance with Security Council Resolution 2140, the dialogue served as an intervention and a conflict resolution process that saved Yemen from its downhill descent into civil war. Some analysts described it as one of the only negotiated and most inclusive transitional and public participatory processes in the history of the region.

The environment in Yemen was by no means conducive to the success of such a process. Yemenis were facing political, social, humanitarian, environmental, and security challenges. Politically, Yemen was struggling on how to address a secessionist movement in the South, a Shiite rebellion in the North, and the influence and dominance of a handful of powerful and wealthy families.  Security challenges were of great concern, with Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) taking full advantage of a weak central government and weak security and military apparatus.  AQAP spread fear and chaos in Yemeni cities, and also posed a threat to Yemen’s neighbors, allies, and regional stability as a whole. In addition, Yemenis were very concerned and angry about the use of drones and the death of civilians that resulted from their use as a weapon to neutralize AQAP.  More importantly, the humanitarian picture was bleak, with a third of its population living under dire economic conditions in spite of rich oil reserves. The country is notably poor in ground water and has very low water reserves; more than a third of its population is deprived of access to clean drinking water.

Moving forward the NDC faced many challenges, including persistent questions related to its legitimacy.  Criticism included the government’s inability to address the on-going violence and acts of sabotage that continued across the country while conference delegates deliberated at the luxurious Movenpick Hotel.
NDC delegates formed nine working groups dealing with issues such as the conflict in the North, the conflict in the South, transitional justice, and statebuilding. Daily incidents threatened the dialogue and the working groups’ ability to complete their work.  Inside the Movenpick and at designated hallways, NDC delegates held daily sit-ins, ‘wakfa Ihtijajia,’ in response to news of bombing of civilians, incidents in violation of human rights, news of violent acts committed against women, and abductions and assassinations occurring across the country, including targeted threats of attacks on its own members.  The same hallways were also used to commemorate national events such as the 1994 Union of Yemen, the 2007 formation of the Southern Secessionist Movement Al Hirak, and the wars against the Houthis in the Northern city of Saadeh in 2004, 2008, and 2009. NDC delegates had to learn about each other, how each of the different ethnic and religious communities experienced each other, and more importantly, the impact of the economic disparities and social and political divisions on their daily lives.

The National Dialogue Conference rules and regulations, written and set by a Committee of Yemenis and international experts stipulated that no one party could dominant any decision making.  With a 90 percent requirement for consensus on any ruling, the deliberations required negotiations across competing worldviews and identities and helped form non-traditional alliances on issues of concern. With Yemen in the international spotlight, Yemenis deliberated their traditions, cultures, and religious values, as well as their role and influence on their ability to fulfill Yemen’s commitments to international treaties.  Issues concerning basic human rights, management of disputes and tribal conduct had to be discussed to address the gaps caused by weak governance. 

Daily, the working groups would deliberate on issues pertaining to their mandate. They invited national and international experts to provide technical support. They had to evaluate their decision at a historical moment in Yemen’s history. They had to defend their ideas, learn how to persuade, and negotiate and advocate for their ideas without intimidating the other. More importantly, they had to face Yemen’s past failures in dealing with ideological differences and disputes.

Yemen continues to face political, social, and most importantly, security challenges.  Nevertheless, a conflict resolution process and model has been created and tested, and there is plenty of evidence that it held the country together during very difficult and challenging times. 

Though time will be the judge of the NDC impact and its long-term success, the following observations are worth our attention and can inform future practice. The NDC (a) confirmed that dialogue based on mutual respect of its members can help traditionally hostile groups find common ground and work towards a shared goal; (b) demonstrated that a well-designed process can ensure access of historically marginalized groups such as women and youth to the negotiating table; (c)  helped break social barriers and the formation of new shared identities in a historically conservative culture like Yemen; (d) highlighted the importance of the international community and the role of multilateral organizations in facilitating a large-scale dialogue process and confirmed the importance of their role as guarantors;  e) emphasized the importance of technical expertise to help build local capacity where and when needed, especially when and where there have been historical inequities in education among the participants; and (f) confirmed the power of the citizens’ engagement and the power of a transparent and inclusive process.

The Yemeni experience is far from perfect, but has certainly allowed the people of Yemen to imagine what is possible, even when all seemed out of reach. The Yemeni experience could serve as a model for the rest of the Arab world. Though each country’s experience is unique, countries like Bahrain, Libya, Algeria, and Egypt have much to learn about the value of an inclusive peace processes and the potential of participatory processes in problem solving.  Countries initiating change to meet the aspirations of their citizens have testimonials from the NDC about the value and power of the collective. 

There is much to learn from the NDC experiment and the power of the process in bringing healing, reconciliation, and hope for a better future.  

 

# Alma Abdul-Hadi Jadallah, PhD, is an S-CAR Adjunct Professor and a UN Expert, who served at the Office of the Special Advisor to the Secretary General to Yemen, Jamal Ben Omar in 2013.